Aviva Chomsky is a professor of history and coordinator of the Latin American studies program at Salem State University. Before that she was a research associate at Harvard University, where she focused on Caribbean and Latin American history. She has a B.A. in Spanish and Portuguese, an M.A. in history, and a Ph.D. in history.
For over twenty-five years, she has been active with Latin American solidarity and immigrants’ rights issues. Some of her works are Central America’s Forgotten History: Revolution, Violence, and the Roots of Migration; Undocumented: How Immigration Became Illegal; and Linked Labor Histories: New England, Colombia, and the Making of a Global Working Class.
Myth: Immigrants Take American Jobs
- The modern economy is so “globally integrated” that the idea of “American jobs” is largely impractical (Chomsky 3).
- Many industries try to reduce their costs by hiring the “poorest, most vulnerable” workers (Chomsky 3).
- Due to cutbacks in social spending (since the Reagan administration) and a deregulation of “major sectors of the economy,” there has been an increase in plant/factory closures and outsourcing (Chomsky 3)
- Businesses want to keep their expenses as low as possible while making ever higher profits. To do this, they often move their production to other countries (Chomsky 4).
- There has been a global restructuring since World War II. In the Global South, poorly paid workers produced and exported raw materials, “fueling the Industrial Revolution in the north” (Chomsky 4). The United States and Europe became prosperous partly from investing in the “artificially low prices” of these materials. After World War II, industries moved south to take advantage of the low wages there (Chomsky 4). Nowadays, not only are raw materials being exported. Manufactured goods are too.
- In the U.S., companies have been challenged by “popular mobilizations, unions, and laws protecting workers and their right to organize” (Chomsky 5). As a result, they have found it more advantageous to move to countries where U.S. laws don’t apply to them. They want to find locations that offer the lowest wages, the least amount of regulations, and the most passive (or non-existent) unions (Chomsky 6). When workers organize for higher wages and protections, companies often close down and move to cheaper places (Chomsky 6).
- According to a study done by the Pew Hispanic Foundation, over the last decade, there has been no “consistent pattern” of native-born workers in the U.S. being negatively or positively affected by increased numbers of foreign-born workers (Chomsky 7).
- Population growth creates jobs. Larger communities consume and produce more (Chomsky 8). Yet the population is not the only factor that affects the number of jobs available. While some jobs “service the local community,” others produce goods and services that are consumed in other countries (Chomsky 8). Even if the local economy is more visible, people produce/consume in both the local/global economies. They “eat grapes grown in Chile, drive cars assembled in Mexico, and pump them with gas from Kuwait or Colombia” (Chomsky 8).
Myth: Immigrants Compete with Low-Skilled Workers and Drive Down Wages
- Wages have been declining (with respect to prices) since 1962 (Chomsky 11). In today’s economy, it is becoming more expensive for people to afford their basic human needs with housing, healthcare, and education (Chomsky 11). Yet some products, such as shoes and cell phones, are becoming more available.
- Since the 1970s, income inequality has drastically risen. The global economic restructuring, which exacerbated this inequality, has “created demand for more immigrant workers” (Chomsky 12).
- Products are made much more cheaply when business expenses are lower. Businesses try to keep their costs down by setting up in places with fewer taxes; health, safety, and environmental regulations; and infrastructure costs (Chomsky 12). When workers are poor and don’t have the same protections as those in the developed world, they are forced to “work longer hours for lower wages” (Chomsky 13).
- Businesses would not be able to function without the “unpaid, invisible network of care provided mostly by women” (Chomsky 24). Since the economic shifts of the 1970s, there has been a reduction in “public services and benefits” and an increase in working hours “outside the home” (Chomsky 24). After 1965, new waves of immigrants came to “fill in this care deficit” in the U.S. (Chomsky 24).
While this was happening, businesses threatened to close down whenever workers organized for better conditions, forcing them to compete against poor workers in other countries. U.S. cities tried to appeal to businesses by offering them “exemptions from the regulations and taxes that have been part of the redistributive model of the mid-twentieth century” (Chomsky 24).
- Many immigrants are deprived of their rights and discriminated against. The policies and decisions of governments and corporations are the main factors that determine wages (Chomsky 28). The greatest challenges to the “low-wage, high-profit model” are social movements (which includes labor organizing) and federal legislation (which imposes regulations on businesses) (Chomsky 28).
Myth: Immigrants Don’t Pay Taxes
- Immigrants pay the same kinds of taxes as other citizens: sales taxes, real estate taxes (for renters and homeowners), gasoline taxes, and so on (Chomsky 36).
- Immigrants who are paid under the table don’t have federal/state income taxes or social security taxes deducted from their paychecks (Chomsky 36). Employers, in turn, often pay them lower than the minimum wage while not providing benefits, unemployment insurance, sick leave, vacation time, and health/safety regulations (Chomsky 36). Yet consumers still benefit by getting cheaper goods/services that are provided by “these low-wage, untaxed workers” (Chomsky 36).
- According to the Social Security Administration, three fourths of undocumented immigrants use false social security numbers to work in the formal economy (Chomsky 37). Taxes are taken out of their paychecks, even though, due to their legal status, they have no access to these benefits. As of 2005, Social Security gained $7 billion a year through false social security numbers (Chomsky 37).
Myth: Immigrants are a Drain on the Economy
- Immigrants in general are “more likely to pay taxes than they are to use public services” (Chomsky 39). Undocumented immigrants are not allowed to use most public services and are afraid of being revealed to government authorities (Chomsky 39).
- All people (including immigrants) benefit from “mandated services” such as public schools, the public safety system, and emergency medical care (Chomsky 39).
- Even though immigrants pay their taxes and don’t use social services as much, their taxes still don’t cover all the social services they use (Chomsky 41). This is because they typically earn lower wages, which leads to them spending less money on goods and services (Chomsky 41). Those who earn more are likely to spend more in sales and property taxes (Chomsky 41).
- If immigrants have to go through endless obstacles to be considered legal, so that they can improve their education and income, then there will always be an underclass in U.S. society (Chomsky 45).
Myth: The Rules Apply to Everyone, so New Immigrants Need to Follow Them Just as Immigrants in the Past Did
- Between 1880 and World War I, 25 million European immigrants came to the U.S without visas or passports (Chomsky 53). Only a small percentage were turned away (about 1 percent) because they were classified as criminals, paupers, prostitutes, radicals, and diseased (Chomsky 53). At that time, there were no laws that made immigration illegal for white Europeans (Chomsky 53).
In 1924, there were some numeral restrictions placed on white European immigration (Chomsky 54). These restrictions were fewer in comparison to those placed on non-Europeans. People of color were excluded altogether (Chomsky 54). It wasn’t until 1965 that the “racially defined quota system” was replaced with a “uniform quota system for all countries” (Chomsky 54).
- Globalization is built on centuries of colonialism. European colonialism was a “massive transfer of natural resources out of the colonies and into the colonial powers” (Chomsky 55). Native inhabitants had their lands stolen, forcing them into labor. Their resources were exported while their identities were destroyed. Modern colonialism began with the Spanish and Portuguese in the 1400s. It expanded with the Northern Europeans in the 1600s and 1700s. By the late 1800s, Europe had “carved up much of Africa and Asia’’ while the United States controlled many countries in Latin America (Chomsky 55). The dispossessed were met with violence whenever they rebelled. In modern times, poor people are still being exploited in other countries by multinational corporations. U.S. citizens, as a result, are given a higher standard of living (Chomsky 55).
Myth: The Country Is Being Overrun by Illegal Immigrants
- “Illegal migrant” is a new term that goes against the very essence of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states in Article 6 that “Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law” (Chomsky 58). Immigration scholars often prefer to use “unauthorized migrant” over “undocumented migrant” because many people do not fit into the category of undocumented. They may have documents, which are false, expired, or fail to “authorize their presence” (Chomsky 58).
- Some people enter the country legally but overstay their visa. Others enter illegally before legalizing their status (Chomsky 58). Many families have differing immigration statuses: “citizens by birth, naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, people on immigration visas, and undocumented migrants” (Chomsky 58).
- Compared to authorized migrants, unauthorized migrants generally have lower-paying jobs and lower levels of education (Chomsky 60). They are overrepresented in areas such as agriculture and construction, which are some of the “most unregulated sectors of the labor market” (Chomsky 60).
Myth: The United States Is a Melting Pot That Has Always Welcomed Immigrants From All Over the World
- Congress first determined who could become a U.S. citizen in 1790. The law made naturalization possible only to “free white persons” (Chomsky 77). Native Americans were seen as “permanent foreigners belonging to different nations,” even though they were always present in the U.S. (Chomsky 78).
According to the federal government, “People of African origin,” despite whether they were enslaved or free, were defined as “nonpersons” (Chomsky 78). The Fugitive Slave Act (passed by congress in 1850) compelled non-slave states to assist in the arrest and return of all slaves to slave-holding states. Some states banned the immigration of free African peoples to other states and refused to let them work (Chomsky 79). In 1857, the Supreme Court ruled that those who came from Africa could not become citizens of the United States. As a consequence, they had no rights under U.S. law (Chomsky 80).
After the Civil War, some naturalization privileges were extended to “people of African origin” (Chomsky 82). The Civil Rights Act of 1866 redefined “citizenship,” stating that “all persons” who were born in the United States (and not subject to foreign powers) were seen as citizens (Chomsky 82). This was clarified in the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. Yet Native Americans were excluded from citizenship until 1940 (Chomsky 82).
Even though it was technically legal for “people of African nativity or African descent” to immigrate to the United States in 1870, there was hardly any immigration from Africa until late in the twentieth century. Naturalization was still limited to white Europeans (Chomsky 83).
- Mexican Americans were first brought into the United States with the annexation of Texas in 1845 (Chomsky 94). In 1848, this expanded under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which not only ended the Mexican-American War, but granted the United States “55 percent of Mexico’s territory” (Chomsky 94). Before the 1860s, citizenship was only reserved for white people. Yet the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo gave Mexicans living in that territory a chance of citizenship (except without the right to jobs, schools, public facilities, residential areas, land ownership, and so on) (Chomsky 95).
Mexican Americans were in a subordinate legal position in comparison with white European immigrants. Yet from the 1880s to the 1920s, they passed through open borders without any documents. At that time, there was a great interest in mining, agriculture, and railroads, which intersected between the two countries (Chomsky 96). Employers needed thousands of Mexicans for contract labor. Only in 1919 did Mexicans have to pass through formal immigration stations and “request permission to enter” the United States (Chomsky 96). The 1917 Immigration Act made exemptions for Mexicans in order to hire them as temporary workers. At first they were “guest workers” (that came in seasonally) and were “nominally white” (Chomsky 98). But with the 1924 national quota law, which closed the border and created the Border Patrol, Mexicans were subject for deportation (Chomsky 98).
The 1924 law made “unlawful entry” a crime, thereby designating many Mexicans as “illegal” human beings who didn’t have any rights (Chomsky 98). Employers benefited from this by having more control over the labor force. They could import and deport workers based on their business interests (Chomsky 98).
- In 1882, congress passed The Chinese Exclusion Act. Chinese people were seen as “aliens ineligible to citizenship” (Chomsky 84). Many other Asians, such as the Japanese, had their rights taken away as well (Chomsky 84). Even though the Fourteenth Amendment “prohibited discrimination based on race,” there was still discrimination based on “citizenship status,” which in turn, was based on race.
The 1917 Immigration Act excluded people of Asian descent from immigrating to the United States (Chomsky 85). The 1921/1924 Acts “created numerical limits” for “national origins,” which was only made available to certain types of white people (Chomsky 85). The quota system that privileged immigration from Northern Europe over Southeastern Europe (while prohibiting non-white people in other countries) “remained in effect until 1965” (Chomsky 85)
- According to a federal law in 1907, female citizens who married aliens would lose their citizenship (Chomsky 84). The law was revised in 1922, stipulating that female citizens who married “aliens racially ineligible for citizenship” would lose their citizenship (Chomsky 84). It wasn’t until 1940 that a woman’s citizenship status was made independent from her husband’s (Chomsky 84).
- People of color were gradually allowed to naturalize (but not necessarily to immigrate) from the 1940s onward (Chomsky 86). In 1952, racial/national restrictions were removed (Chomsky 86). Civil Rights legislation in the 1950s/1960s helped to create a legal basis for racial equality by “granting equal quotas to all countries” (Chomsky 89).
Myth: Immigrants Only Come Here Because They Want to Enjoy Our Higher Standard of Living
- Many of the poorest countries (like those in Africa) only send a small part of their population to the U.S. Puerto Rico, one of the wealthiest areas in Latin America, sends almost half of its population to the U.S. (Chomsky 122). This is because some countries have stronger historical connections than others. As Chomsky wrote, “People from India and Pakistan go to England; people from Senegal and Algeria go to France; people from Morocco go to Spain; people from Mexico and Puerto Rico come to the United States” (122).
Colonization reinforces these cultural ties. After their local institutions are destroyed, the colonized are compelled to come to the colony (Chomsky 122). While the U.S. does not directly control certain countries, it exerts a tremendous amount of “economic, political, military control through indirect means” (Chomsky 126).
- Although the United States only comprises 4 percent of the world’s population, citizens there consume at a higher rate than many other countries (Chomsky 126). Historically, colonial powers extracted natural resources from their colonies to sustain themselves. They forced colonized peoples to work at plantations and mines (Chomsky 128). Local populations, who started out as self-sufficient, had to be coerced by governments and corporations into producing for those outside their own countries. As a result, their once fertile lands became barren and contaminated; their traditions slowly erased. They migrated from villages to urban centers. What they knew of as home was no more.
- Migration is a result of global restructuring, which has its roots in centuries of colonialism.
Myth: The American Public Opposes Immigration and the Debate in Congress Reflects That
- Since the 1970s, there has been a decline in government services along with a “free trade agenda” (Chomsky 149). Democrats have “retreated from the social welfare” of their New Deal predecessors. Neoliberals often call for cutting government spending on social welfare programs, which includes health and education (Chomsky 149). They want an “export economy” by “devaluing currency and ending currency control and tariffs” (Chomsky 149). They are pushing for more privatization and deregulation (Chomsky 150).
- Neoliberal policies have dismantled the social safety net for the poor in Latin American countries (Chomsky 151). Free trade has worsened conditions for many peasant farmers because they don’t have the resources to compete with the “heavily subsidized U.S. agricultural sector” (whose products flood their country’s markets”) (Chomsky 151). Meanwhile, Democratic and Republican administrations are implementing their own neoliberalism at home: reducing social services, privatizing industries, taking power away from labor unions (Chomsky 152). These policies have contributed to larger inequality in the United States.
- Anti-immigrant rhetoric riles up only a small number of vocal people. But most U.S. citizens, especially those “in high-immigration areas” hold more balanced views of immigration (Chomsky 161).
Myth: Immigration Is a Problem
- Immigration is a humanitarian problem that needs a range of humanitarian solutions.
- Stricter border control does not have a “statistically significant effect on unauthorized crossings” (Chomsky 166). It actually makes immigrants want to stay in the U.S. for longer because of the dangers involved (Chomsky 166). Those who benefit the most are the smugglers. Their small-scale operations have grown to encompass “sophisticated rings with links to organized crime and drug trafficking” (Chomsky 167).
- White colonizers have always feared that they would be overwhelmed by the colonized population (Chomsky 171). They have often used population control as a means to maintain their racial dominance. Economically, those in power don’t want to give up their privileges by redistributing resources to the poor. As a response to inequality, they want to reduce the population as well (Chomsky 171). These racial/economic arguments are two sides of the same coin. Historically, white English migrants wanted to replace the Native American tribes that existed before they arrived. They wanted to use people of African descent for labor and then expel them (after Reconstruction) with lynchings and Jim Crow Laws (Chomsky 172). Chinese workers were used as cheap labor, denied citizenship, and excluded. Mexicans were included in temporary worker programs and deported (Chomsky 172).
- The pseudoscience of eugenics was behind a lot of early immigration restrictions, which continues to affect people of color today (Chomsky 172). Sterilization laws have been enforced to stop “population growth among those considered racially inferior,” among Native Americans, African Americans, and Latin Americans (Chomsky 172, 173, 175, 176).
Myth: We Need to Protect Our Borders to Prevent Criminals and Terrorists from Entering the Country
- Citizens can commit crimes and terrorist acts. Immigrants can commit crimes and terrorist acts. “No country has a monopoly on violent lawbreakers, and in no country are they nonexistent” (Chomsky 180). Crimes have been done for many reasons, some of which relate to domestic and international issues (Chomsky 180). At the same time, a lot of foreign criminals/terrorists use legal channels to enter the country because they don’t want to be arrested or killed (Chomsky 181).
- Immigrants generally have lower crime rates than U.S. citizens (Chomsky xxiii).
- One way to stop criminality is to enforce the rule of law (prosecuting those who commit crimes and focusing on effective policing) (Chomsky 180). Another way is to reduce the amount of military aggression abroad (Chomsky 182).
Myth: If People Break Our Laws by Immigrating Illegally, They Are Criminals and Should Be Deported
- Immigration laws define a human being’s legal status based on arbitrary attributes such as which country they were born in. Those who break these laws, by crossing the border or letting their visas expire, are considered illegal (Chomsky 184).
Furthermore, there are laws that privilege some immigrants over others based on the countries they come from (e.g. Haiti, Cuba, Philippines, Mexico). As Chomsky put it, “The law was designed not to allow certain groups of people to have the rights that others enjoy” (184).
Myth: The Problems This Book Raises Are So Huge That There’s Nothing We Can Do about Them
- Migration is a symptom of a much larger problem. The current global economic system benefits the few at the expense of the many. People will continue to escape from violent, impoverished environments for better ones. They will seek out places where they have more freedom (Chomsky 188).
- A few solutions to this issue would be: (1.) roll back discriminatory/punitive laws that have taken place in the last few decades; (2.) reverse the militarization of the border (which began with Operation Oathkeeper); (3.) decriminalize border crossing; (4.) extend legal rights to immigrants; (5.) domestically strengthen the social safety net; (6.) make corporations accountable toward their workers and communities; (7.) lower levels of consumption; (8.) and reduce military aggression in other countries.